WTCMUD1 Director David Flores was removed by the board majority at the August 21 2026 meeting, under Texas Water Code §49.052(g), claiming that he missed at least half of the regular meetings scheduled during the preceding twelve months. Flores disputes that calculation and is appealing to the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality (TCEQ). He argues that the district reclassified a regular meeting as “special” and excluded other scheduled meetings that were later canceled or changed. Under his calculation, he missed five of eleven meetings—45.4 percent—below the statutory threshold. The district’s posted resolution also says “AYES: All present” and records no opposing vote even though Flores was present and voted no.
Flores has been candid that work undertaken to pay legal bills arising from the lawsuit sometimes interfered with his attendance. That admission reflects humility, not indifference. It must also be viewed in the context of a board that, in his experience, excluded him from meaningful participation and prevented him from accomplishing the work voters elected him to do. Attendance becomes largely ceremonial when a predetermined majority can and does consistently overpower and marginalize a dissenting director.
The board’s practical complaint is almost circular: Flores’s absences sometimes prevented a quorum and forced the other directors to rearrange their schedules, so they removed him for failing to make it easier and more convenient for them to assemble that quorum and defeat him. Yet removal leaves the board shorthanded until the vacancy is filled and does not itself solve the alleged problem. It also does not disqualify Flores from running again. Voters remain free to return him to office, meaning the resolution’s most immediate effect is to burden his candidacy with the damaging election-season label “removed from office.”
This follows the board’s 2024 treatment of Linda Fabre with striking precision. The board adopted its censure resolution against Fabre on October 16—twenty days before the November 5 election—and posted it on October 21, the first day of early voting. In both cases, the board used official governmental action to stigmatize a political opponent when it could inflict the greatest electoral harm. The disputed calculations, inaccurate vote record, pending TCEQ appeal, failure to cure the stated quorum concern, and repeated election timing leave no credible nonpolitical explanation: the removal was an election-time maneuver intended to poison Flores’s candidacy before voters could decide for themselves.